Coding of the causee in ditransitive constructions (Synja Khanty)

DitrCeeP: The causee appears in the same form as the patient of a non-causative transitive construction.


(1)    āśe-l pox-al-a uli ma-l.

father-3sg boy-3sg-lat reindeer give-prs.3sg

‘The father gives a reindeer to his son.’ (S. O.)


(2)    āśe-l pox-al uli-jn ma-l-li.

father-3sg boy-3sg reindeer-loc give-prs-obj.3sg

‘The father gives a reindeer to his son.’ (S. O.)


(3)    ānť-em manem uli ma-l.

mother-1sg I.dat reindeer give-prs.3sg

‘My mother gives a reindeer to me.’(S. O.)


(4) ānť-em manem uli-jn ma-l-li.

mother-1sg I.acc reindeer-loc give-prs-obj.3sg

‘My mother gives a reindeer to me.’ (S. O.)


(5)    āśe-l ope-l pox-al-a uli ma-ti pārlǝ-l-li.

father-3sg sister-3sg boy-3sg-lat reindeer give-inf order-prs-obj.3sg

‘The father made his daughter give a reindeer to his son.’ (S. O.)


(6)    ānť-em manem pox-a uli ma-ti pārlǝ-l-li.

       mother-1sg I.acc boy-lat reindeer give-inf order-prs-obj.3sg

       ‘My mother made me give a reindeer to the boy.’ (S. O.)


(7)    ānť-em manem pox uli-jn ma-ti pārlǝ-l-li.

       mother-1sg I.acc boy-lat reindeer-loc give-inf order-prs-obj.3sg

‘My mother made me give a reindeer to the boy.’ (S. O.)


(8)    ānť-em-n mā pox-a uli ma-ti pār-l-ajm.

mother-1sg-loc I boy-lat reindeer give-inf order-prs-pass.1sg

‘My mother made me give a reindeer to the boy.’(S. O.)


There are two ditransitive constructions in Synja Khanty. The first construction follows the schema of “somebody gives something to somebody ”. In this case, the nominal object (theme) is unmarked, the nominal recipient takes the lative (1), while the pronominal recipient takes the dative case (3). The verb is formed according to the indeterminate conjugation. The other ditransitive construction follows the schema of “somebody gives somebody with something”. This construction leaves the nominal recipient unmarked, while the object (theme) is assigned a locative suffix, which expresses an instrumental function (2). Pronominal recipients take the accusative, which is identical with the dative (4), the theme is marked with the locative and the verb is conjugated according to the determinate paradigm. In Synja Khanty, both constructions can be extended to periphrastic causative structures. In the active voice, the nominal causee takes the nominative case (5). If the cause is expressed by a pronoun, it is marked by the accusative (6)–(7) in both kinds of ditransitive constructions (S. O.). In the passive voice (8), the causer takes the agentive locative suffix, while the causee is marked with the nominative and the verb agrees with it (S. O.). The topic requires further research.

Author: 

Nikolett F. Gulyás