PT–R: The objects of monotransitive and ditransitive verbs are marked the same way; the recipient is marked differently.

VAgrPTnoR: The verb codes agreement with P and T the same way; agreement with R is not coded.

(1a) laura egy könyv-et (P) vesz a bolt-ban.

Laura a book-acc buy.prs.3sg the shop-ine

‘Laura is buying a book in the store.’

(1b) laura meg-vesz-i a könyv-et (P) a bolt-ban.

Laura pref-buy-prs.obj.3sg   the book-acc the shop-ine

‘Laura bought a book in the store.’

(2a) laura ad egy könyv-et (T) kati-nak (R).

Laura give.prs.3sg a book-acc Kati-dat

‘Laura is giving a book to Kati.’

(2b) laura oda-ad-ja a könyv-et (T) kati-nak (R).

Laura there-give-prs.obj.3sg the book-acc Kati-dat

‘Laura is giving a book to Kati.’

(3a) laura meg-ajándékoz egy lány-t (R) egy könyv-vel (T).

Laura pref-give_present.prs.3sg a girl-acc a book-ins

‘Laura is giving a book as a present to a girl.’

(3b) laura meg-ajándékoz-za kati-t (R) a könyv-vel (T).

Laura pref-give_present-prs.obj.3sg Kati-acc the book-ins

‘Laura is giving a book as a present to Kati.’

In Hungarian, the nominal objects of monotransitive (1a)–(1b) and ditransitive (2a)–(2b) verbs are both marked with the accusative (-t suffix). Nominal recipients take the dative suffix (-nak, -nek), or rarely the részére or the számára postpositions (cf. Kenesei et al. 1998: 197–198, Komlósy 1992: 345–346). Although this is the typical way of marking ditransitives in Hungarian, a small group of verbs (e.g. meglep ‘to surprise somebody’, megajándékoz ‘to give a present’) assign instrumental case to the theme (direct object) and accusative to the recipient (3a)–(3b) (however, due to the marginality of this construction, we did not take it into consideration when the parameter values were determined). Monotransitive and ditransitive verbs are both agreed with the object (both in the patient and in the theme function). Object agreement is determined by the definiteness of the object.