Coding of the causee in ditransitive constructions (Northern Mansi)

TrCeeDitrCeeRec: The causee appears in the same form as the recipient of a non-causative ditransitive construction.


(1) oma-m sup jūnt-i.
mother-1sg shirt sew-prs.3sg
‘My mother is sewing a shirt.’(S. D.)


(2) oma-m jiγriś-um maγǝs ūp-um-n sup jūnt-upt-i.
mother-1sg sister-1sg because aunt-1sg-dat shirt sew-caus-prs.3sg
‘My mother made my aunt sew a shirt to my sister.’ (S. D.)


(3) oma-m jiγriś-um maγǝs ūp-um-n sup jūnt-uŋkwe lāw-i.
mother-1sg sister-1sg because aunt-1sg-dat shirt sew-inf say-prs.3sg
‘My mother made my aunt sew a shirt to my sister.’ (S. D.)


(4) oma ńawram-n ńāń myγ-te.
mother child-dat bread give-prs.3sg-obj
‘The mother gives bread to the children.’(S. D.)


In Northern Mansi, causation can be expressed morphologically (cf. (1) and (2)) and periphrastically. In both cases, the causee is in the lative-dative case. The same case marker is used to mark the recipient in simple ditransitive clauses (4). However, it is also possible to mark the ditransitive recipient with the accusative (Sipőcz 2012b, 2012c). The constructions above can also be put in the passive voice, but they are rare.

Author: 

Szilvia Németh