Basic ditransitive word order (Synja Khanty)

RT: The basic ditransitive word order is RT, whether either of both items appear as nouns or pronouns.


(1) ānťe-l ńāwrem-al-a ńāń ma-l.

    mother-3sg   child-3sg-lat bread give-prs.3sg

    ‘The mother is giving bread to her child.’ (S. O.)


(2) ānťe-l manem ńāń ma-l.

mother-3sg   I.dat bread give-prs.3sg

    ‘The mother is giving bread to me.’ (S. O.)


(3) ānťe-l ńāwrem-al ńāń-ǝn ma-l-li.

    mother-3sg  child-3sg bread-loc give-prs-obj.3sg

‘The mother is giving bread to her child.’ (S. O.)


(4) ānťe-l manem ńāń-ǝn ma-l-li.

mother-3sg   I.acc bread-loc give-prs-obj.3sg

    ‘The mother is giving bread to me.’ (S. O.)


(5) ānťe-l-n ńāwrem-al ńāń-ǝn ma-l-a.

mother-3sg-loc child-3sg bread-loc give-prs-pass.3sg

‘The mother is giving bread to her child.’ (S. O.)


(6) ānťe-l-n ńāń-ǝn ma-l-ajǝm.

mother-3sg-loc I bread-loc give-prs-pass.1sg

‘The mother is giving bread to me.’ (S. O.)


There are two ditransitive constructions in Synja Khanty. The first construction follows the schema of “somebody gives somebody something”. In this case, the nominal recipient (R) takes the lative case (1), the pronominal recipient takes the dative case (2), while the object (T) is unmarked in the case of nominals (1) and marked with the accusative in the case of pronouns. The other ditransitive construction (scheme: “somebody gives somebody with something”) leaves the nominal recipient unmarked (3), while the object (theme) is assigned a locative suffix, which expresses an instrumental function (cf. Onina  2009,  Nikolaeva  1999a:  40,  Honti  1984:  96). In the second construction type (4), the personal pronominal recipient takes the accusative case. In the passive construction (5)–(6), the agent takes a locative suffix, the recipient is unmarked, while the theme gets a locative case ending which expresses instrumental meaning. In the passive constructions, the verb agrees with the recipient, which is the subject of the clause (S. O., F. L.). The recipient precedes the theme in both ditransitive variants irrespective of the part-of-speech type of the elements (Solovar 2009: 78).

Author: 

Nikolett F. Gulyás